Umbrella Movement through the first week of November: Movement or Revolution?

November 1 – Day 35

Going down the stairs this morning, I heard the security guard at my apartment building listening to 一起雨傘, the anthem of the Umbrella Movement, on his radio. He’s a cool guy. Sometimes I give him stickers and things that I pick up at Admiralty.

November 2 – Day 36

I rewatched Gate of Heavenly Peace, the Carma Hinton documentary on the Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. It’s a bit eerie to watch, and to see the similarities. I certainly don’t feel comfortable making direct comparisons, as much of the international media did when the Movement here began, but there are striking visual similarities. Most stunning, for me, was seeing how during the occupation of Tiananmen Square, Hong Kong actually sent money and tents up to Beijing to support the students. The tents that they set up were small and blue, set in lines – strongly reminiscent of the exact shape and color of many of the tents in Admiralty and Mong Kok.

From Reuters

I think what’s fascinating – and very important – is that while the students who protested then and now didn’t position themselves as revolutionaries. They didn’t and don’t say that they wanted to overthrow the Chinese or Hong Kong governments – they posed themselves as moral guides of the government, reminding them to uphold their promises and to work for the people. In Beijing, they emphasized their loyalty to the regime; in Hong Kong, the students might not like CY Leung or many of the legislators locally, but they’re trying to go to Beijing (today, November 15, in fact) to speak directly with Beijing lawmakers. It’s an echo of the way that, as Hinton’s documentary shows, people upset with local concerns would go directly to the seat of power – the emperor, the NPC, whatever – to present their grievances, which to me looks like a sign of respect, acknowledgement, and self-submission, rather than a sign of revolution.

And that makes me reflect on the role of the international media in protests in China. I remember someone going over the finer points of “革命” as something to do with getting rid of lies, but I didn’t quite understand this – so I’m sure I need to think more about the connotations of the words “revolution” and “革命.” Still, I was really disturbed to see clips of Western media in Hinton’s documentary, and the way reporters said how they had gone to China to report on the historic Sino-Soviet meeting and instead walked into a “revolution.” Henry said that according to the Tiananmen Papers, Beijing did rely on foreign news reports in their meetings to assess the situation on the ground. And so if foreign media called the movement a “revolution” when the student leaders themselves did not see themselves as revolutionaries, then I think the media did a serious disservice and framed the protests in a more radical light, which possibly put those demonstrators in danger.

In Admiralty

In Admiralty

In Hong Kong, it was a foreigner who coined the term “Umbrella Revolution” – an outsider’s term that tried to define the movement – and a debate has ensued in street discourse about whether this is a revolution or a movement. Using the word “revolution” implies challenging the government, rather than seeking to reform it – and that threat of “revolution,” I think, has led China and Hong Kong governments to make all those accusations of foreign intervention. I certainly knew that the media can be biased and make mistakes or inaccurately frame events, but I never quite appreciated that until now. This Tweet is what Slate says may have been the first instance of the term “Umbrella Revolution,” written by a New Yorker named Adam Cotton. Personally I don’t trust this, considering that the post date is September 27 (Hong Kong time), but the tear gas wasn’t used until the early evening of September 28.

  • Standing posterboards of Xi Jinping holding a yellow umbrella have popped up everywhere at the protests. Some folks don’t like that he’s become an unofficial mascot of the movement, but others do – it’s a funny kind of debate where some want to keep him at the movement and others want to remove him or destroy his images.
  • A map on Facebook of the occupied sites.
November 3 – Day 37

Hong Kong got rather cold and windy today – it’s been a sudden change from sweltering humidity, to a touch of dry heat, to chilly wind and grey skies. I’ve been pretty surprised at the weather, but it’s nice. It reminds me a lot of Los Angeles, to have only two seasons: summer and (short) winter.

Henry also sent me this video, which I think is possibly among the best music produced in the Movement thus far. It’s a remix of the words of an anti-Occupy protester who was seen with a knife cutting cords and ribbons holding together barricades. A reporter asked him why he had a knife with him, and he replied that he always carried a knife with him because he like to eat fruit, etc, etc (which in Cantonese, can be said colloquially as 乜乜乜 (“mut mut mut”)). Since then, 乜乜乜 has been a favorite phrase on posters to mock the enthusiastic anti-Occupy fruit-eaters.

  • A little egg and wall piece appeared near the bathrooms by the Lennon Wall at Admiralty, a reference to a Murakami quote.
  • Meeting minutes of public discussions at Occupy sites can be found at this Facebook page
  • A taped message saying, “Justice for Ayotzinapa” – referring to the 43 students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers’ College of Ayotzinapa in Guerrero, Mexico who went missing recently – appears in Admiralty
  • While reading at the study area in Admiralty, an older man dressed head-to-toe in yellow and pushing a cart full of yellow paraphernalia walked by, jabbing his finger at the students as he yelled, “Never! Never! Never! Never give up!”
  • Here’s a video with a partial recording of the student-government talks on October 21.
  • Someone compared the Umbrella Movement to the 1966 riots in Hong Kong (also known as the Star Ferry riots, in which youth protested the increased cost of ferry tickets) on the radio
  • Some photos of signs in Mong Kok
  • The Guan Yu temple is explained in this image
  • A children’s Q&A session with the police goes horribly wrong and horribly amusing
  • Zhou Fengsuo 周鋒鎖, one of the 21 most wanted student leaders of the Tiananmen Square protests, arrived in Hong Kong and did this interview with SCMP
  • Pro-Occupy protesters create a petition mocking Robert Chow’s Alliance for Peace and Democracy and Silent Majority petition – where his groups calls for signatures to “Support our police,” the mock petition calls for signers both in person and online to “Support our ginger” (Ginger being a name they like to call Robert Chow, after CY Leung accidentally mispronounced his name and Chow said it was fine).
  • The anti-Occupy groups hold a rally at Chater Garden
November 4 – Day 38

I attended an English-language Hong Kong University Student Union event called the Umbrella Movement in Global Arena. It was moderated by Yvonne Leung, HKUSU president, with panelists Claudia Mo, a Civic Party legislator; Benson Wong, a professor at Hong Kong Baptist University on government and international studies; and Nathan Law, one of the HKFS student leaders who was at the student-government talks. The talk was really focused not on Hong Kong’s movement in a geopolitical global sense, but in terms of international media’s approach to the movement. So a lot of this focused on the terms “revolution” versus “movement,” and the impact of the media on the movement’s shape and progress.

2014-11-04 12.48.24As I mentioned earlier, Law was very clear to point out that the demonstrations were not a revolution. Though some protesters have this demand, he said, overthrowing the regime is not their goal. Responding to a question about whether HKFS would go to Beijing, he and Leung said that they had not set a date yet. Law emphasized that by going to Beijing, they were not trying to dismantle the “One country, two systems” framework – rather, they wanted to reinforce it, and to show the people of Hong Kong that they respected that framework and the “political reality” of Hong Kong’s relationship to Beijing as a Special Administrative Region. We’re telling Beijing that it’s not revolution, but we want to solve problem by communicating with them, he explained. Leung added that Beijing’s NPCSC was the governing body that had hurt “One country, two systems” with the White Paper and their decision on Hong Kong’s political reform – again emphasizing that they wanted to act as a reminder of the government’s promises, not as a revolutionary force.

Claudia Mo was definitely the most charismatic speaker – and of the most interesting figures in the movement, generally, with a great sense of humor and fashion sense. She argued that this was “a mind revolution, a mental revolution” – and also criticized the international media for its interest in reporting something exciting. She mentioned an AP reporter who, when the student boycott and the early stages of the movement began, did not film the protests because they seemed too nonviolent; she also claimed that the Guardian was responsible for coining the term “Umbrella Revolution.”

She’s also very straightforward in her language. Asked whether the Umbrella Movement was a step toward Hong Kong independence, she said flat out that it was impossible to have an independent Hong Kong, noting that up to 80% of the water in Hong Kong came from China, and that eventually more than half of its electricity would as well. “Independent, how?” she asked.

Benson Wong added, interestingly, that rumors of Hong Kong independence might even be a conspiracy theory spread by Beijing in order to sow seeds and rumors of an independence movement – which would then give them a “legitimate” reason to suppress the demonstrations. (It might be impertinent to note that the individual who asked this question was a white/European exchange student, but it reminds me of the impact that foreign media and foreign interpretations have on the course of local events.) And Law added that not only was it practically impossible for Hong Kong to be independent, but it was also “theoretically” impossible as well because Hong Kong did not have centuries of unique culture and history that could give it the cultural identity – the nationalism, in other words – necessary for independence.

I was also very much struck by the personalities of the HKFS students. One person asked what they had learned from the student-government talks, and while Law said that he learned the importance of opening communication and being a calm and rational speaker, Leung was shocking humble. For such a clearly intelligent individual, who emerged from the talks as a widely-celebrated debate hero and a master of legal matters, she said that she learned that her knowledge on law and politics was insufficient, and she added that she also realized her insignificance! Having read lots on gender and how women tend to downplay their abilities in the workplace, I wonder if this is a related issue.

 

  • Henry spots people in Mong Kok taking self-defense lessons near the Guan Yu altar; OCLP offers a brief history of the smashed Jesus statue in the Chapel on the Street
  • Zhou Fengsuo offers another interview with the Washington Post
  • Chris Patten, the last governor of Hong Kong, testifies before the House of Commons on “The UK’s relations with Hong Kong: 30 years after the Joint Declaration” – read the text of his statement here
  • Cab and bus drivers are known to be among the most strongly anti-Occupy groups in Hong Kong, and this Wall Street Journal video offers some interviews with taxi drivers who aren’t so anti-Occupy
November 5 – Day 39

This evening was an event on the relationship between the Sunflower Movement and the Umbrella Movement, held in Mandarin at HKU. Zhou Fengsuo attended the event as well. I was pretty impressed that I understood what the speaker, Chang Tieh-chih, was saying, especially with his ridiculously fast Taiwanese accent – but then I realized that I would understand certain words and phrases, but strung together, I couldn’t quite put together the whole of his meaning. It’s strange – though it’s easier for me to recognize Mandarin words, I find my comprehension of Cantonese to be much stronger. I wonder if this has to do with me having grown up with Cantonese, making it an easier language for me to follow/feel…

So the result of this was that I didn’t get too much of the talk, but Chang drew some comparisons between Taiwan and Hong Kong in terms of their Lion Rock narratives of history and individual success (think of the American Dream narrative and its emphasis on hard work and self-reliance).

That night I went down to Admiralty. It was November 5 – Guy Fawkes night, made famous by Alan Moore’s V for Vendetta and the quote “People should not be afraid of their governments. Governments should be afraid of their people.” People were handing out Guy Fawkes masks, and at one point, a group of maybe 100 protesters, all wearing masks, marched through Tamar Park and down to Lung Wo Tunnel, the site of the standoff on the night of October 14. They stopped just at the crosswalk facing the PLA building, where the police were observing the protests.

2014-11-05 23.16.23Watching from the park above the tunnel, I couldn’t tell what they were doing there – if they wanted to cross the road, or if they wanted to re-occupy the tunnel, or what. A large group of perhaps 20-30 police crossed the street first to meet them and blocked off one lane, instantly creating a huge traffic jam. The police and protesters faced each other for a long while. In the meantime, someone watching the proceedings from the park had brought their pet ferret, who bounded about the grass, joyfully sniffing people’s feet. Ultimately nothing happened, and the masked protesters left. I was pretty glad. It seemed pointless to cause a confrontation.

Unfortunately, Mong Kok was a different situation. It was marches at first, but there were clashes later that night. Though the exact sequence of events leading up to it is unclear, I’d bet that if it wasn’t November 5 – if people had not called for a Million Man March and donned masks in a subversive gesture – then there would not have been a confrontation. Here’s a video from that night, where you can see the protesters geared up with construction hats and umbrellas for protection. At around the 3:40 mark, the police arrested someone and tents are pulled down; around 10:10 is another confrontation in which a cop pulls out his baton.

China Uncensored was also there that night to cover the situation in Mong Kok – you can see them at 8:30 in the bottom right corner of the video above. They’d been in Hong Kong the last few days. I might have mentioned this mock-“Daily Show” online show, which I’m not exactly a big fan of. I don’t think the show is very funny, first of all, which is perhaps a shallow comment; I also think the inability (or refusal) of the presenter to pronounce Chinese names accurately reflects the staunchly foreign interpretation they have of events in China. Certainly I think their coverage is relevant and important, but I’m still personally not a big fan.

  • Referencing the arrest of an individual who posted messages on a popular online forum called HKGolden calling for occupations, and the arrest of another individual who posted the personal information of a police officer and his relatives, Hong Kong police issue a statement emphasizing that

According to section 161 of the Crimes Ordinance (Cap 200) (i.e. access to computer with criminal or dishonest intent), any person who obtains access to a computer with any of the following intention or purpose:

(a) with intent to commit an offence;
(b) with a dishonest intent to deceive;
(c) with a view to dishonest gain for himself or another; or
(d) with a dishonest intent to cause loss to another,

whether on the same occasion as he obtains such access or on any future occasion, commits an offence.

  • The Standard reported that members of Parliament will be going to Hong Kong “by the end of the year,” despite being warned off by China – in my opinion, this trip isn’t going to do much. Most people here have practically no faith in the British government, feeling very much abandoned by their former colonial master. One of my Nepalese buddies explained this very bitterly, saying that the British had already abandoned the Gurkhas and their families in Hong Kong, only giving them the right of abode in Britain after a woman campaigned for their rights; he wasn’t surprised that Britain would abandon Hong Kong, either.
  • A graphic of various superheroes of gods “attending” the demonstrations
  • Various politicians, figures, heroes, etc also rendered as yellow umbrella-wielding icons
November 6 – Day 40

Blogger Roydon Ng published this piece on The Typewriter, offering a good, very fact-heavy outline of the Hong Kong protests. He’s also been keeping an awesome blog with day-to-day updates that’s been much more regularly maintained than this blog!

This SCMP article about Hong Kong people’s attempts to get housing offers a really great perspective on how dire the situation is, and how strong the social problems in Hong Kong are.

November 7 – Day 41

CY Leung. Cunt of the year. Your voice. Gotta ignore it!

CY Leung. Cunt of the year. Your voice. Gotta ignore it!

I heard about a talk at Hong Kong Baptist University’s Shek Mun campus titled “鏗鏘女聲:反思佔領運動中的女生參與和成長” (“Resounding Female Voices: Rethinking Women’s Participation and Growth in the Occupy Movement”). I ran out there – such a long trip by MTR! – and found the talk a little less inspiring than I’d hoped. It seemed to be very much like a class rather than a panel discussion, with speakers offering more questions than analyses. This rather frustrated me. I’d been hoping, for instance, that speakers might talk about the misogynistic language and images in some of the protest posters, which I’ve mentioned before – one of them did bring these images up, but only at the end of her talk, and only to ask students what they thought of the images (no one offered an answer).

What was really valuable was the emphasis on sharing stories – it was very interesting to hear students and speakers offer their stories about gendered experiences in the demonstration. One of the speakers mentioned a friend who hypothesized that the peaceful nature of the Hong Kong protests was due to the participation of women (though I have my doubts about this, considering the participation of women in the Egyptian Tahrir Square occupation and the numerous horrifying and brutal assaults they endured). Others talked about the kind of treatment and roles they were given in the protest, such as having certain tasks, or being treated in a certain way. Some women mentioned how during police clashes, many men would act as their defenders, and that although they appreciated their concern, they also felt slightly affronted that they were given this treatment because of their gender.

Another woman told a story about a 75-year-old woman whose children would not let her join the demonstrations. They locked her in her room so she could not get out, but she figured out how to free herself and went straight to the MTR to join the protests – where she ran into her daughter on the train platform, but went on to join the demonstrations anyway.

Afterwards, I went down to Admiralty to hear Fermi (from Unison) talk about ethnic minority women in the protests. She emphasized that they encountered unique struggles in their participation, due to their cultural, familial, and religious situations. She mentioned Ansah, for instance, and how the way she dressed, her role, and the risks she faced all had a different kind of community scrutiny that other women protesters might not face.

  • Here’s a video on the “Umbrella Movement Through the Eyes of Foreigners” from RTHK
  • Human Rights in China (HRIC) calls for essays and other submissions from Hong Kong people to create a “Hong Kong: Voices of the People” special section. They’ve also got this video on “How Has the Occupy Movement Changed You?”
  • Civil Human Rights Front, the organization that puts together the yearly July 1 rally, calls for a march on Sunday
  • Coconuts Hong Kong writes on “How does Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement compare to other global uprisings?”
November 8 – Day 42

1779787_741185445960649_270241733481835376_nZhou Fengsuo spoke at Admiralty, but I wasn’t able to go. The Hong Kong Pride Parade was also today, so I also missed that! In total, some 8,900 people participated, including Alexter.

That night, there was a sudden blockage of protesters at the bridge leading to Tamar Park. A group of demonstrators, upset that the government still had not given them a real response, took it upon themselves to block the overpass. Riot police gathered, but luckily nothing happened. This later became known as the “Big Stage Incident,” reflecting divisions among the protesters and dissatisfaction with the HKFS leaders.

  • Twitter account Global Soldarity HK reported, “Just got word that overseas Chinese embassies are now fishing for names of organizers of last mth’s rallies around the world” – I have no idea how true this is, but it’s pretty unnerving.

3rd Asian Migrant Workers Summit + Occupy Central rally

IMA summit bannerYesterday was the 3rd Asian Migrant Workers Summit, organized by the International Migrants’ Alliance, held at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. According to the South China Morning Post, there are about 320,000 foreign domestic workers (FDWs) in Hong Kong as of 2013, 50% originating from the Philippines, 47% from Indonesia, and the rest from Thailand, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. These workers are almost all female – to give a sense of perspective, in 2011 the HK Census reported that about 90% of Indonesian and Filipina women are domestic workers.

The area outside the lecture hall was packed with women talking excitedly in a range of languages, moving between the packed registration table and the line for a bag of snacks. Many were wearing colorful hijabs and flowing skirts, others were dressed in casual jeans, shorts, and t-shirts. One group of women from the Indonesian group Beringin Tetap Maju (BTM) was especially interesting: they dressed in brown jumpsuits, individually decorated, and many wore their hair in short styles that, in the US, would be taken as expressing LGBTQ identity. There was actually a number of women dressed in “tomboy” fashion, wearing calf-length baggy jeans, open shirts rolled up above the elbow, and sneakers or boots (a “sexual alternative” discussed in Chang and Ling 2000). The women from BTM may, however, have dressed specifically for their performance.

SummitThe lecture hall had a large, high, rounded ceiling, and across the walls in the front and sides were strung the banners of 31 different organizations. Two boisterous and jokey women were the summit’s MCs. Between speakers they would joke with each other and the crowd, keeping the audience well entertained and ringing with appreciation and applause. The summit began with opening remarks from Polytechnic Professor Pauline Sung Chan, who applauded the women for their work. She noted that by being in the lecture hall before the start of the school year, the estimated 400 attendees “already occupy the sacred place” that students usually took. Hong Kong, she continued, was going through a period of political transformation, and migrants’ voices “needed to alert local society to be kind and just.”

This kind of rhetoric about the relationship between local society, justice, and morality was really interesting. A short video introducing the IMA pointed to “neoliberal globalization” as the cause of FDWs’ suffering, noting that they are treated as “commodities” and “modern day slaves.” “IMA is progressive and democratic,” the video pronounced, and described their goal of “fighting against imperialistic oppression.” Speakers and dance performances followed in alternation, and the first section ended with an open forum.

BTMAfterward BTM performed its dance and rap. It was very powerful – the woman with short hair spoke forcefully. “I just want to help my parents, get them some money, why get me an employer like the devil?” she said, to great applause and cheers. At the performance’s height, she screamed, “I WANT THE WORLD TO KNOW I WAS A VICTIM OF MODERN DAY SLAVERY! I DON’T WANT ANOTHER VICTIM LIKE ME!” before ending, “Government – don’t use us as a money machine. We are migrant workers, not slaves.”

Next was Wardarina, from the Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD). APWLD’s program for “Development Justice” was especially interesting because of its call for accountability to peoples: “Accountability to peoples requires democratic and just governance that enables people to make informed decisions over their own lives, communities and futures. It necessitates empowering all people, but particularly the most marginalised, to be part of free, prior and informed decision making in all stages of development processes […].”

APWLD screenshotThe video [Youtube] she played in conclusion was especially interesting for its gendered depiction of global inequality: men were depicted as the wealthy and powerful, while women labored in factories, performed domestic labor, and worked on farms, with all their money draining to the male icon.

I had to leave after that so I could make it to Central station on time to meet my fellow Fulbrighter, Henry, for dinner then the Occupy Central announcement at Tamar Park (添馬公園). I managed to get to Statue Square, which I identified belatedly as the site that so many books and articles I’d been reading prior to arriving had highlighted as a common gathering place for FDWs. It was incredible – almost every foot of free space was occupied by a group of women. Along the roads, too, women gathered in small groups, sitting on top of cloths, cardboard, and tarps, sharing food and information and just chatting with friends. I found Henry relatively quickly because in the sea of FDWs, he was the only man (aside from some policemen).*

Aug31 Occupy rundown

Hong Kong Dash media (破折號) breaks down the schedule of the Standing Committee of the NPC (人大常委會) and of Occupy Central (佔中)

Tamar Park is located just north of the Central Government Complex, the Legislative Council Complex, the office of the Chief Executive, and the People’s Liberation Army offices and barracks; it’s actually closer to the Admiralty MTR stop than to the Central station. We passed buses and buses of policemen, many of them eating their dinners, and arrived at the park just at 7pm as the sun was setting and the crowd gathering. Some activists from People Power (人民力量), a radical democratic party, tried to give us flags, and people from Citizen Radio were giving out headbands reading “公民抗命” (“citizen disobedience”), but we declined.

A white poster had been set up at the end of the park with the words “抗命” (disobedience) on it, creating a stage that faced the government complex with its back to the water. Because we arrived right at 7, we were able to find a spot right behind the cameras. A number of people were seated at the edge of the stage, with cameras behind, then more people standing behind and to the side of the cameras. A young man was standing with a massive drum to the right of the stage, creating deep beats in time with the speakers and rousing the crowd. I couldn’t identify everyone who spoke, but I could recognize a few people’s faces from the news. The crowd was made of all ages, except for children, and was practically all ethnic Chinese, with a handful of white expats or foreigners. It was about 30-40% women. Some signs in the crowd read “我家我衛,” “I protect my home.”

Apple Daily (蘋果日報) infographic breaking down the decision of the NPC

Apple Daily (蘋果日報) infographic breaking down the decision of the NPC

It’s unfortunate that Henry and I didn’t have an advanced enough grip of Cantonese to keep up with everything in detail, but we translated for each other and often I realized that my study of Mandarin was really helping me figure out Cantonese parallels so that I could understand the gist of most things. The speakers often adopted conversational tones, creating camaraderie between them and the audience; those who used the most formal language and were most difficult to understand were the student leaders and the academics (figures).

One of the speakers talked about how our parents had come from China to Hong Kong to escape a repressive government. They warned us not to get involved with the government, he said, but he argued that they were different: they weren’t from where their parents were; they were from Hong Kong, and Hong Kong was their home, and the government was at their door.

Students

Student activists with banner reading “希望在於人民改變如於抗爭” (“Hope depends on the people, just as change relies on resistance” [hoping this is accurate!])

Some of the students broke down in tears as they talked. One talked about what Hong Kong had been like 30 years before, in the 1980s, when the Sino-British Negotiations had taken place and the Joint Declaration had been issued. He asked what Hong Kong would be like 30 years from now, emphasizing that Hong Kong was their home. “呢個地方係我哋嘅屋企,” he said, using the term for home (屋企) that is especially colloquial and familiar. As they stood on stage it began to pour. They declared that at the end of the gathering, some of them would march to the hotel in Wan Chai where they believed Li Fei, the deputy secretary general of the NPC Standing Committee, was staying. We will ask him why we don’t have true democracy, why our voices weren’t heard, and won’t leave until he comes out, they promised.

One person whom Twitter helpfully identified as Chan Kin-Man called for the need to protest (抵抗) not mainland people, but mainland law. One of the scholars, however, made a connection to a mainland-Hong Kong controversy over milk powder that had made many Hong Kong residents angry with mainlanders: If we can have false universal suffrage, then we can have false democracy, and false milk powder. Perhaps he didn’t intend to reference being angry with mainlanders, but instead being upset with the system that caused the rush on Hong Kong products; nonetheless his pronouncement was met with wide applause.

Phones upMartin Lee, the veteran pro-democracy champion, got on stage to speak. He expressed his desire to explain to the media the goal of Occupy Central, and so he was the only person to speak partially in English, while all others spoke Cantonese. Toward the end of his talk, he pointed up to a skyscraper beside the government offices bearing an electronic advertisement with red text on a white background (you can see it on the far left of the photo). He read it in Cantonese, then translated: “A new chapter.” Today, he emphasized, would begin a new chapter in the fight for democracy.

Media gathers on stage, politely jostling, to photograph the crowd with their phones up

Media gathers on stage, politely jostling, to photograph the crowd with their phones up

Twice the speakers asked everyone in the crowd to lift their phones and turn on the torch function, so that we could see in the darkness how far the crowd stretched across the park. Finally, the photographers were invited on stage to take a photo of the thousands of phone-lit hands in the night to demonstrate the power and determination of Occupy Central.

Many people, especially toward the end, discussed the name of Occupy Central. Its full name is Occupy Central with Love and Peace (讓愛與和平佔領中環). They emphasized the peaceful and loving nature of Occupy Central, the desire to protect Hong Kong and keep its good aspects while improving its future. During the final time that the crowd raised its phones in the air, the speakers began to play “Under a Vast Sky” (海闊天空) a popular song by the Hong Kong band Beyond, and the crowd sang along, waving their phones like candles in the sky: “Forgive me for being wild and yearning for freedom…”

OC founders

The founders of Occupy Central take the stage at the end

At 9pm, the organizers ended the gathering with very clear and precise instructions on calmly leaving the assembly. The people in the back and the sides first, the speaker said; people in the front, please wait, so we can show everyone what Occupy Central will be like and so that we won’t dishonor the good reputation of Hong Kong. And everyone left quietly and calmly.

Henry and I left, too tired to think about joining the students in Wan Chai. 


*I know that in light of the “tomboy” discussion and alternative gender identities for FDWs, my usage of “women” to describe them is over-generalizing, inaccurate, and possibly offensive (?). My excuse for doing this is that most FDWs present as female; I only noticed tomboys at the summit but didn’t see any while walking around town (though I wasn’t looking too hard). For anyone who’s interested, Nicole Constable (1997/2007, 2014) offers some great discussions about how FDWs interpret and construct gender norms, as well as the impact of gender norms on FDWs’ decisions in Hong Kong; I referenced Chang and Ling (2000) earlier, and I’m sure there are other scholars working on FDW sexuality and gender.